Ep 70: LBJ (Part 1)
- Matt Crumpton
- Jun 3
- 14 min read
So far in this Season 3 of Solving JFK, we first studied the Secret Service, finding that there were numerous anomalies – too many to be a mere coincidence - that led to dramatically reduced presidential security, which was unique to Dallas. We know that Winston Lawson and Floyd Boring are the two agents who are most likely responsible for the security stripping – but we still don’t know why they did it.
We just wrapped up studying the FBI, finding that Director J. Edgar Hoover and the Bureau were not involved in planning any sort of plot against the president. However, we did find that Hoover, in conjunction with President Johnson and Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach, covered up the true nature of the president’s murder after it happened.
The next phase of our journey will take us into territory that is highly disputed among critics of the official story. For serious JFK Assassination researchers, the most obvious split point where otherwise like-minded skeptics diverge is the extent of the involvement, if any, of Lyndon Johnson.
Over the next several episodes, we’ll begin the gargantuan task of trying to thoughtfully determine whether Johnson played a role in the president’s murder. While this series is not a deep biography on Lyndon Johnson, we have to provide some context for LBJ the man, so that we can understand where he came from and the patterns of behavior he displayed.
In this episode, we explore the Johnson’s life before the Senate. How did LBJ get started in politics? What was his relationship like with Brown and Root? And did Lyndon Johnson really steal a US Senate Seat in the 1948 election?
EARLY LBJ
Lyndon Baines Johnson was born and raised in a small farmhouse along the Pedernales River in Stonewall, Texas – about 60 miles west of Austin.[1] His dad, Samuel Ealy Johnson, was a six term democratic member of the Texas House of Representatives.[2] Johnson wanted to follow in his father’s footsteps and had a grand vision from a young age. As early as when he was twelve years old, he told other kids that one day, he would be President of the United States.[3]
Johnson took classes at Southwest Texas State Teacher’s College (known as Texas State University today).[4]While he was there, he also rigged the College’s Student Council election so that he won – something Johnson later admitted to doing.[5] After graduation, he became a high school teacher in Houston where he taught public speaking and advised the debate club.[6]
In his early twenties, Johnson was eager to get involved in the political arena and began working on campaigns. It’s at this time that Johnson befriended Dick Kleberg, whose family owned and operated the biggest cattle ranch in the United States – the King Ranch.[7] Kleberg, who had just been sent to Congress after winning a special election, hired 22 year old Lyndon Johnson to serve as his assistant. Johnson then accompanied Kleberg to Washington, D.C.[8] Kleberg wasn’t in the office much and loved to play golf, which allowed young Johnson to effectively run Kleberg’s congressional office, including his substantive policy positions.[9]
In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated. Johnson could tell that FDR had the political wind at his back and was eager to become associated with him. But, the Congressman he worked for – Dick Kleberg – was against most of the New Deal programs. In 1934, while still working for Kleberg, Johnson began to branch out politically when he campaigned for a more liberal, New Deal, Texas Democrat – Maury Maverick.[10]
In 1935, Johnson left Kleberg’s office and was appointed to head the National Youth Administration for Texas. This was a New Deal program to address youth unemployment.[11] Johnson had been recommended for the position by Speaker of the House, fellow Texan, Sam Rayburn.[12] Even though Johnson was only in his twenties, he was talented at finding out who had the power and, then making sure - that person was on his side.
LBJ IN CONGRESS
In 1937, Texas congressman, James P. Buchanan died unexpectedly, leading to a free for all of 11 candidates running in the primary election to replace him.[13] Remember, the Democrat party was the only game in town for someone who wanted to be elected from Texas at the time. After all, FDR had won the 1936 presidential election in Texas by a margin of 87 to 12%.[14] The winner of the fragmented 11 candidate primary to replace Representative Buchanan was 29 year old, Lyndon Johnson.[15]
Having just been elected to Congress, Johnson wasn’t content with simply serving in the House. He quickly got in good with President Roosevelt and was appointed to the House Naval Affairs Committee at Roosevelt’s recommendation. Roosevelt liked Johnson enough to regularly invite him to the White House for breakfast.[16]
The first major achievement by Congressman Johnson was ensuring the completion of the Marshall Ford Dam project, which was in Johnson’s district, just Northwest of Austin. Technically, Johnson didn’t begin his term in Congress until April 10, 1937. The project was already approved as of February 19, 1937 when the project had its ceremonial groundbreaking.[17]
However, Johnson, whose campaign was supported by the Dam’s contractor, Brown and Root, was crucial in making sure that all regulatory hurdles were cleared and the funding for the project actually made its way to Brown and Root. When the project ran into a snag because there was a law against building on land that was not owned by the government, Johnson was able to get the required approvals from the Bureau of Reclamation and from President Roosevelt.[18] Brown and Root was extremely grateful to Johnson for his help. In October of 1939, George Brown wrote in a letter to Johnson, QUOTE “Remember, I am for you right or wrong…and it makes no difference whether I think you are right or wrong. If you want it, I am for it 100%.”[19]
BROWN & ROOT
After the Marshall Ford dam was completed in 1941, the relationship between Congressman Johnson and Brown and Root continued to be mutually beneficial. When Texas Senator Morris Shepard died in April of 1941, Johnson ran in the special election to replace Shepard in the US Senate. He ended up losing the election. But he came within 1,311 votes. Johnson’s narrowly defeated Senate campaign was financed largely by Herman Brown of Brown and Root, who sponsored Johnson even though Brown politically disagreed with FDR.[20]
In addition to Herman and George Brown’s personal contributions, executives at Victora Gravel, a Brown and Root subsidiary, were paid company bonuses that they were required to donate to Johnson. The employees would deposit the checks and then bring the cash to the Johnson campaign. This illegal campaign finance scheme came to light after Texas Internal Revenue collector, Frank Scofield, analyzed Brown and Root’s tax returns. Shortly after Scofield got Brown and Root in trouble, he was alleged to have accepted illegal political contributions himself. Scofield was acquitted of those charges, which appear to have been manufactured against him, but he quit his job as Revenue collector.[21]
As a result of Scofield’s efforts to expose Brown and Root’s campaign finance ruse, the company had a tax penalty of over $1.5 million dollars. Lyndon Johnson personally went to visit President Roosevelt about this matter. Johnson was accompanied by Brown and Root lawyer, Alvin Wirtz, who had recently resigned from his position in the Roosevelt administration as Undersecretary of the Interior. Shortly after this meeting, President Roosevelt spoke to the Assistant Sectary of the Treasury, Elmer Irey. The final penalty that Brown and Root had to pay was reduced from $1.5 million down to $372,000.[22]
In 1942, just after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Brown and Root got into the ship-building business for the first time.[23] As George Brown put it, QUOTE “We didn’t know the stern from the aft – I mean bow – of the boat.”[24] With Lyndon Johnson on the Naval Affairs Committee, the Brown and Root ship building contract started at $27 million dollars, and grew to $357 million (which is $6.3 billion dollars in today’s money.)[25]
In 1946, Congressman Lyndon Johnson once again came through for Brown and Root when the US Government sold Fort Clark. The fort was a 3,800 acre property built in 1857 along the US/Mexican border on the Rio Grande. Months earlier, the fort had been a World War II training base. There were many warehouses on the property that were locked up. When it came time for bidding, none of the bidders were able to see what was in those warehouses. Bart Moore, a San Antonio contractor who was pushed out of the Fort Clark deal by Herman Brown claimed that Brown had inside information QUOTE “from Lyndon, or through Lyndon, or through Lyndon’s influence as to the approximate value of the equipment …” From his service on the Naval Affairs Committee, Johnson knew that those warehouses had equipment for construction and road building, among other valuable items.[26] When the bidding was done, a subsidiary of Brown and Root had the highest bid.
1941 NAVAL RESERVES
As we just noted, Lyndon Johnson helped to direct World War II ship building contracts to a company that had never built ships before - Brown & Root. But, what did he personally do to contribute to the war effort?
Johnson had enrolled in the US Naval Reserve in 1938. He was appointed to the position of Lieutenant Commander in 1940. Johnson would later reflect on his service saying QUOTE “I did not fully appreciate that my uniform completely concealed my status as a congressman…the fact that I looked like any other junior officer and … was expected to salute my superiors.”[27]
Johnson was called to active duty three days after Pearl Harbor.[28] He asked Undersecretary of the Navy, James Forrestal, for a job in Washington, D.C., but was instead tasked with inspecting ship yard facilities on the west coast. Lt. Commander Johnson was joined on his trip out west by his congressional assistant, John Connally. Yes, the same John Connally who would go on to be the Secretary of the Navy and the Governor of Texas.[29]
Next, Johnson was assigned, along with two other congressmen, to go to Northern Australia as an observer, where he reported to General Douglas McArthur. On June 9, 1942, Johnson volunteered to fly in a twin engine bomber – the B26A Marauder – to observe the bombing of a Japanese air base in New Guinea. On that mission, the bombers came under fire. But, Johnson’s bomber did not. According to members of the crew of the plane Johnson was on, the aircraft experienced engine trouble and returned to the base. The airman who shot down the enemy plane did not receive a medal. Nevertheless, Lyndon Johnson was awarded the Silver Star for coolness under fire by General McArthur.[30]
The reality was that Johnson was never within sight of Japanese forces and the bomber that he was on did not come under fire.[31] Johnson biographer Robert Dallek believes that Johnson made a deal with McArthur to get the Silver Star in exchange for Johnson lobbying FDR for more war funds to the Pacific theater.[32]Johnson said that he would not accept the Silver Star, but when he returned to Congress, he wore it on his lapel, and began referring to himself as “Raider” Johnson.[33]
LBJ BACKSTABS KLEBERG
We talked earlier about Dick Kleberg, the congressman who gave Johnson his start in politics. Dick Kleberg’s brother Bob Kleberg, operated King Ranch – the biggest ranch in the United States at the time. In 1934, a state senator named Archer Parr came to visit Bob Kleberg at King Ranch. Parr was campaigning for re-election to the state senate and thought that he could get re-elected if he could convince Kleberg to allow Highway 77 to go through King Ranch. Kleberg told Archer Parr, who was accompanied by his 33 year old son George, that he did not want a road going through his pasture.[34] As Archer and George Parr left King Ranch, George yelled out QUOTE “I’ll gut you if it’s the last thing I do!”[35]
Bob Kleberg’s insistence on keeping the highway outside of his property would come back to haunt Bob’s brother, Dick. That’s because George Parr wasn’t just the son of a state Senator. George Parr was in charge of a political machine that dominated Jim Wells, Zapata, and Duval counties. He was known as “The Duke of Duval.”[36] In 1934, the same year that he yelled out that he would gut Bob Kleberg if it’s the last thing he did, the Duke got in trouble for tax evasion. Nine years later in 1943, George Parr needed a signature from Bob Kleberg’s brother, Congressman Dick Kleberg, to obtain a pardon for his conviction. But, Dick Kleberg refused to sign the petition.
This bolstered the bad blood between the Parrs and the Klebergs and led to George Parr putting up Lyndon Johnson’s close friend, John Lyle, to run against Dick Kleberg in the 1944 congressional campaign. Lyle had been elected to the Texas state legislature in 1941, but never took his seat because he was serving in the Army in Europe. While Johnson did not campaign for Lyle, he personally lobbied the Speaker of the House, Sam Rayburn, to have Lyle discharged from the Army so he could run his campaign.[37]
This episode of Johnson not helping his former boss, Dick Kleberg, and instead siding with George Parr shows that Johnson valued power and leverage over loyalty. Johnson could have remained uninvolved. But, he knew that he needed George Parr more than he needed Dick Kleberg. The decision was made easier for Johnson because Kleberg was, by 1944, firmly against FDR’s New Deal, which Johnson supported. As it turns out, his decision to support the Duke of Duval was one of the keys to Johnson’s ascension to the United States Senate.
1948 Senate Election
In 1948, with the support of George Parr’s political machine, Lyndon Johnson ran once again for the US Senate. This time, he went to visit George Parr at his home in South Texas before deciding to run. Johnson was accompanied there by his campaign manager, John Connally.[38] In addition to serving in the Navy with him, Connally was closely tied to Johnson by this point, having been his congressional assistant, and the manager of Johnson’s losing 1941 Senate campaign and his winning 1946 house re-election campaign. At the same time, Connally also managed a radio station that was owned by the Johnsons – KTBC in Austin.[39]
Lyndon Johnson left South Texas with George Parr firmly in his corner for the Senate campaign. Johnson’s opponent in the democratic primary – which, in 1948 Texas was basically the whole race, was former governor Coke Stevenson. Parr had bad blood with Stevenson for refusing to appoint a district attorney who Parr wanted in office.[40] On top of Johnson helping Parr by getting John Lyle discharged from the Army, George Parr received a full pardon from his tax crimes from President Truman after it was recommended by the newly appointed Attorney General, Tom Clark, who happened to be from Texas. George Parr believed that Johnson was the reason he received this pardon.[41]
With the full backing of the Parr machine, Johnson lost the July 1948 Senate Democratic primary election to Coke Stevenson - 39.7 percent to 33.7 percent, with 19.7 percent of the votes going to George Peddy.[42]Because no candidate received a majority of the vote, there was a runoff election between Stevenson and Johnson on August 28th.[43] The runoff vote was extremely close, and not all county election offices turned in their votes at the same time.
On Election Day, the Texas Election Bureau initially declared Coke Stevenson the winner by 113 votes. The next day, Lyndon Johnson went on the radio to declare victory when it was announced that there was a recanvass and a correction in a county controlled by George Parr – Jim Wells County. The correction was limited to precinct 13. In the Election Day count, Johnson had 765 votes in the 13th precinct, while Stevenson had 60. After the recount, 203 new votes were added in precinct 13: 202 votes for Johnson and 1 vote for Stevenson. This 201 vote margin gave Johnson an extremely narrow Senate primary victory.[44]
The Coke Stevenson campaign immediately objected to these additional 203 votes in Precinct 13. When Stevenson and his Texas ranger friend, Frank Hamer, were able to briefly see the voter list before it was taken away, they found that the 203 newly found votes were in alphabetical order, in the same color ink and in the same handwriting. Some of the 203 additional voters said that they did not vote that day.[45] We know with certainty that these extra 203 votes were fraudulent. That’s because the judge who presided over Precinct 13, Luis Salas, told Associated Press reporter, James Mangan, in 1977 that George Parr contacted him 3 days after the runoff election and asked him to add 200 more votes for Lyndon Johnson.[46]
With the help of those extra Precinct 13 votes, Johnson was announced the winner. Of course, the Stevenson campaign, which was aware of the fraud, wanted another recount in Jim Wells County. This led to several rounds of litigation over whether there would be a recount. Johnson got an injunction to stop the recount. But, Stevenson got an injunction to stop Johnson from being on the ballot. Ultimately, Johnson enlisted the help of his friend, attorney Abe Fortas, to appeal the issue to the United States Supreme Court. Fortas then approached Justice Hugo Black to get an ex parte emergency ruling in favor of Johnson in time for him to be on the ballot.[47] Justice Black ruled that if the claims against Johnson were accurate, those were state issues and not federal ones. This ruling was quickly upheld by the full court, resulting in Johnson being elected to the Senate in 1948.[48] Johnson’s later appointed his lawyer, Abe Fortas, to the Supreme Court.
Word of the anomalies in George Parr controlled counties led the Senate itself to investigate the matter. On October 27, 1948, the Senate Campaign Investigating Subcommittee ordered that certain ballot boxes from the runoff election be impounded. However, the subcommittee chair, Senator William Jenner told the New York Times, QUOTE “I have been informed informally by our investigators that records in Duval County and Precinct 13 of Jim Wells County were destroyed before the arrival of the Investigators.”[49]
So, what happened to the missing ballots that would have proven Johnson’s election fraud? According to JB Donohoe, a close friend of George Parr and his father, Donohoe personally overheard a phone call from Johnson to George Parr about these ballots. On that call, Johnson said QUOTE “Don’t let them burn up those ballots. It will make me look bad!” To which Parr responded, QUOTE “To hell with you! I’m not going to let my men go to prison just to make you look good!” A janitor had burned all of the ballots by the time the Senate investigators arrived.[50]
In a potentially related matter, on March 23, 1952, a prisoner in Huntsville, Texas named Sam Smithwick wrote a letter to Coke Stevenson saying that he had recovered the missing box of ballots from Precinct 13 that had supposedly been burned. Smithwick had been a deputy sheriff who got into a fight with a man who claimed that Smithwick owned a strip club – a claim that Smithwick did not appreciate, which led to him killing the man. Upon receiving this letter, Stevenson immediately went to the prison to visit Smithwick. When the former governor arrived at the prison, he was told that Smithwick was dead from an apparent suicide.[51] The sitting governor of Texas at the time, Allan Shivers, told Johnson biographer, Robert Dallek, that he believed Lyndon Johnson was behind Smithwick’s death.
NEXT TIME ON SOLVING JFK: We continue to analyze Lyndon Johnson as a potential suspect in the murder of President Kennedy as we turn to Johnson’s time in the Senate, and the details of how Johnson made his way on to the presidential ticket in 1960.
[3] Phillip F. Nelson, LBJ: The Mastermind of the JFK Assassination, at 2-3.
[5] Joan Mellon, Faustian Bargains: Lyndon Johnson and Mac Wallace in the Robber Barron Culture of Texas, at 3.
[6] Id. at 3.
[8] Mellon at 5.
[9] Id.
[12] Mellon at 6.
[15] Id.
[16] Mellon at 6.
[19] Id. at 7.
[20] Id. at 10.
[21] Id. (Incidentally, Scofield’s successor, Bob Phinney, who later worked with Lyndon Johnson, moved the incriminating 1941 Senate Election Brown and Root files from storage to a Quonset hut that caught fire in June of 1953 and destroyed the records.)
[22] Id.; Nelson at 38.
[24] Robert Caro, Master of the Senate, at 406.
[26] Mellon at 48.
[27] Robert Caro, Means of Ascent, at 24-25.
[29] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lyndon_B._Johnson; Caro, Means of Ascent at 19-53.
[30] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lyndon_B._Johnson;https://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/jul/06/internationaleducationnews.humanities
[31] Nelson at 21.
[34] Mellon at 44.
[35] Holland McCombs Papers, Box 148, File 25; reported to McCombs by Corpus Christi Caller-Times reporter James Rowe.
[36] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Berham_Parr; Mellon at 43.
[37] Mellon at 44-45.
[38] Holland McCombs, LBJ and the Political Power Structure of Texas, Box 146, File 11, Holland McCombs Papers, at 50; Mellon at 295.
[39] Mellon at 48-49.
[40] Id. at 49.
[43] Id.
[44] Mellon at 51.
[45] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Box_13_scandal; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1948_United_States_Senate_election_in_Texas
[49] https://www.nytimes.com/1948/10/28/archives/ballots-in-texas-reported-burned-investigators-impounding-primary.html
[50] Mellon at 55.
[51] Id. at 56-57.
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